Bilingualism in Parliament: The Effect of the Charter on the Use of Both Official Languages
by Peter Murphy
“For better or for worse, language has always been a matter of
concern in this country; for worse, because it has too often been the
cause of deep and painful division; for better, because at times it has
shown itself a source of richness and diversity that is the envy of other
nations. It is precisely because of this symbolic dimension which will
profoundly affect our national cohesiveness in the future, as it has
in the past that we need to keep (...) the Confederation bargain by seeing
to it that language rights are clearly and unequivocally recognized in
our fundamental constitutional law.”
Testimony of M.F. Yalden, Commissioner of Official Languages, before
the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons on the Constitution of Canada, November 17, 1980.
The 25th anniversary of the Charter, which was celebrated
earlier this year, makes it a fitting time to reflect on the
effect this important legal text has had on the lives of Canadians.
As the most evident symbol of Canadian democracy and one of
our country’s most important institutions, Parliament not only
sets the example for all Canadians, but at the same time is
also representative of the country and its fundamental values.
Several parliamentarians were therefore asked
to share their experiences about the coming into effect of
the Charter and what difference it has made on the use of both
official languages in Parliament today.
As former commissioner of official languages M.F. Yalden
pointed out in an appearance before the Special Joint Committee
on the Constitution of Canada, language has always been a matter
of utmost importance and concern in our country. Our collective
history is rooted in the use of both English and French. According
to the Honourable Mauril Bélanger, Member of Parliament
since 1995 and former minister responsible for official languages,
this linguistic duality is at “the core of Canadian identity
and Canadian unity.”
The framers of the Constitution Act, 1867, recognized
the importance of these two languages by including section
133, which set out the constitutional guarantees of the use
of French and English in the Canadian Parliament. The importance
of this parliamentary bilingualism stems from the recognition
of Parliament as the representative, both domestically and
internationally, of the country and its people as a whole.
The entrenchment of language rights in the Charter
The language rights contained in the Canadian Charter
of Rights and Freedoms furthered the bilingual nature
of Parliament. Of the seven sections under the heading “Official
Languages of Canada,” three deal specifically with
the use of English and French in Parliament. Subsection 16(1),
for example, states that English and French are the official
languages of Canada, and while this status had been granted
before, in the first official languages act of 1969 among
others, it was not until the Charter that it benefited from
constitutional protection. The rights found in sections 17
and 18 also existed before the Charter, for example in section
133 of the Constitution Act, 1867, and had been
recognized by the courts on several occasions; however, these
rights were added to and extended in the Charter, thereby
providing them with much stronger constitutional protection
than they had had before.
The importance of the entrenchment of these rights in the
Charter cannot be downplayed. In addition to recognizing their
importance, their inclusion also ensures they receive the highest
level of protection that can be afforded—they are now
exempt from the notwithstanding clause and the provincial and
federal governments must reach unanimous agreement before they
can be changed. This “double entrenchment” ensures
that the bilingual nature of Parliament is now a permanent
part of the Canadian identity.
It can therefore be said that the Charter improved institutional
bilingualism in two indirect ways: through the constitutionalization
of the language rights found in the Official Languages
Act, 1969 (and its own unique additions), and through
its influence on the subsequent strengthening and passage of
a new official languages act in 1988, which was updated to
reflect the rights guaranteed in the Charter.
A new official languages act
The signing of the Charter in 1982 led to a major overhaul of
language legislation, culminating with the Official Languages
Act, 1988. This act sets forth for the first time, in subsection
4(2), the provision of facilities for simultaneous interpretation
services, even though these services had existed since 1959,
and the obligation, in section 6, to enact the acts of Parliament
in both official languages.
The advancement of bilingualism in Parliament
While it is now clear that Parliament is officially obligated
to be bilingual, have these rights advanced bilingualism in Parliament
or, as in the mind of Senator Lowell Murray, have they served
to “reinforce what was there already in
section 133 of the Constitution Act, 1867, and the Official Languages
Act of 1969”?1
For Senator Murray, who first began working with the Senate in 1961 and was appointed
to that house in 1979, the most important steps taken towards the creation of
a bilingual Parliament were the introduction of simultaneous interpretation in 1959
and the passage of the Official Languages Act in 1969. After the introduction
of simultaneous interpretation, for example, the amount of French spoken in Throne
and debate speeches rose to just over 20%, from under 5%, in only four
years.2
According to Senator Murray, the Charter has “had an indirect impact
on making the houses and members of Parliament more bilingual by making the
whole apparatus bilingual,” and this impact is largely a result of the Official
Languages Act.
In fact, all the parliamentarians interviewed for this article believe there
is a great amount of respect amongst the members for linguistic duality. According to Louis Plamondon, the second-longest serving current member of Parliament, this increase in respect
has led to an expansion of the services provided in both official languages
in Parliament.
For Mr. Plamondon, this includes a greater effort on the part of parliamentarians
to ensure that members in positions of authority, such as committee presidents
or meeting chairpersons, are competent in both languages. It also includes
the extension of translation and interpretation services, which are automatic
in House debates and standing committees, to less formal gatherings involving
members of all parties, such as committee head meetings and private receptions.
The fact that these services are being provided during the less formal parliamentary
activities, more and more often without members having to ask for them, is
a sure sign of an increased respect for the principles of institutional bilingualism
amongst parliamentarians across party lines.
Steven Blaney, Member of Parliament since 2006, was surprised to discover that parliamentary bilingualism was not limited to respecting legal obligations and instead has been integrated into members’ daily work. As a result, both English and French are alive and well on Parliament Hill. Mr. Blaney also noted that many parliamentarians not only are working on perfecting their skills in the other official language, but also want to learn more about the other culture.
Not all is coming up roses
While there is a great amount of respect for both official
languages in Parliament, to conclude that all is coming up roses would be to
ignore the costs associated with the indirect effect the Charter has had on
the language rights of MPs and the obligations of Parliament. One such cost
is quite literally just that, the cost. According to the Honourable William
Blaikie, the longest continuous serving member of Parliament, the biggest difficulty
is sometimes the unavailability of documents in both languages, in particular
documents from outside the government. The simple cost of translating is sometimes
used as a reason for this unavailability.
Time is another cost of a bilingual Parliament. Parliamentary policy dictates
that written submissions to parliamentary committees must be available in both
official languages before they are distributed to committee members, although
exceptions can be made with a unanimous vote by the committee in question.
However, as Mr. Blaikie pointed out, members are reluctant to use this derogation
for fear of creating a precedent for future committees—a slippery slope
best avoided. A general respect for the principles of parliamentary bilingualism
plays a part in members’ unwillingness to accept documents that are available
in only one language. The end result is lost time while the committee waits
for the translation of important documents. Depending on the issue at hand,
this problem can range from slight annoyance to major legislative slowdowns.
Worthwhile benefits
All federal policies incur costs and require a certain amount of effort to carry out. In this case, as Mr. Blaney stated, the benefits of parliamentary
bilingualism without question make up for these inconveniences. Parliamentary bilingualism is an important part of Canadian identity that we all benefit from, both as individuals and as a group.
Conclusion
It would be hard to argue that the Charter has had any direct impact on the practical
use of both official languages in Parliament since, as already noted above, most
of the rights enshrined in it already existed prior to the Constitution Act,
1982. What is undeniable though is the indirect effect the Charter has had
on the creation of a new-found respect for language rights amongst the members
of Parliament and its effect on acts, such as the Official Languages Act, under
which Parliament operates on a daily basis.
Notes
1An Act respecting the status of the
official languages of Canada, S.C. 1969.
2 Hoffman, David and Ward, Norman, Bilingualism
and Biculturalism in the Canadian House of Commons [Documents of the
Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism: 3] (Ottawa: Queens Printer,
1966) p.6.